An Extensive Analysis
Upon mounting the stage last Tuesday night, former Vice-President Biden asked President Trump, “How you doing, man?”
Trump replied, “How are you doing?”
To which Biden answered: “I’m well.”
After the first question, Vice-President Biden thanked the president for being there. That seemed to be about as much civility as the two men could muster. What followed was an absolute brawl.
Trump set out with a dominating and interruptive style. Likely, he was trying to throw the Vice-President off his game, and force him into some of his now-famous gaffes.
Biden seemed to be prepared for such an attack, at first largely ignoring the president’s quips and interruptions, though firing back as the debate devolved. Trump was his own worst enemy by hardly giving Biden enough time to get in a sentence, nevermind ramble and befuddle himself. On several occasions, Trump wound up arguing with the moderator, Chris Wallace; Biden may as well have taken a seat in the audience. Nevertheless, each candidate did manage to land some strong points, though Biden’s were less a result of his own eloquence and more a result of the President’s failure to adequately respond.
Highlights
On the Supreme Court Nominee:
Trump argued that his election as President in 2016 and the election of a Republican Senate in 2018 rightfully empower him to do all duties of a president, which includes nominating a judge for Senate approval to the Supreme Court. This is a simple take on the stronger argument Trump could have cited from precedent, namely that divided government has not confirmed an election year Supreme Court nomination since 1868, while unified government has confirmed all but two. Likely, Trump could not elucidate this argument with clarity in two minutes, and, as such, invoked the blunter argument from presidential power.
Biden contended that, since the vacancy occurred so late, voters’ say in the matter should stem from the upcoming election, as opposed to the elections in 2016 and 2018. His primary justification seemed to be that mail-in voting has already started, making the winner of this election the person who should appoint the justice.
The argument morphed into a discussion of an upcoming case on Obamacare, and then flitted through a slew of issues until Trump accused Biden of being dominated by socialist democrats. Biden weakly countered that “[he is] the Democratic Party,” then moved on, predictably, to Roe v. Wade. This was a strong point for Trump, who pressured Biden to explain why Roe v. Wade was on the ballot. All Biden had in response was that it was “in the court.”
In a later question, Biden would not answer as to what his thoughts were on packing the Supreme Court, which was perhaps his greatest weakness of the night.
On Healthcare:
Wallace pressed Trump to explain what alternative plans he has to Obamacare. Trump touted plans to cut drug prices, particularly insulin. Biden assured voters he would not eliminate private insurance, and accused Trump of having no healthcare plan.
On the Coronavirus:
This was Biden’s strongest point, though not entirely of his own doing. He laid out some basic numbers about the virus case count and death count– likely as an appeal to credibility and to express empathy. Empathy has always been Biden’s forte. Then, claiming Trump had no plan, he proceeded to lay out his alternative, which, essentially, is what is already happening: producing and distributing protective gear and passing more stimulus.
Trump, however, failed to capitalize on this blatantly untrue claim to having a better– or, for that matter, different– plan. But, he did bring up his original decision to close the borders to China, cited the praise of Democrat governors, and called into question case counts from Russia, India and China, all powerful talking points.
On a Vaccine:
Trump claimed imminent rollout, and described his plan to use the military to distribute vaccines. Biden expressed doubts concerning the release date and Trump’s judgment, saying Trump would have people inject bleach.
Wallace pressed Biden on whether scientists were trustworthy or, rather, “muzzled” by Trump. This seemed to catch the former vice president off-guard; he threw a crutch answer to the effect of “not all doctors work for Trump.”
On Reopening Schools and the Economy:
Biden cautioned against a speedy reopening by arguing that “[Trump] has no plan.” As for his plan, “Nancy Pelosi and Schumer, they have a plan.” Biden, it would seem, was the one without a plan.
Trump picked up with a claim that Biden would “shut the country down,” and then defended his own shutdown as necessary because “we didn’t know anything about the disease.” He advocated taking into account the age range that the virus most severely affects.
On the State of the Economy:
Trump touted the speedy recovery, saying “10.4 million people in a four-month period [have been] put back into the workforce.” He also noted the mal-effects of shutdowns and again asserted that Biden would shut the country down.
Biden attempted to turn the issue into one of inequality, talking about the gains of billionaires during the pandemic, and drawing attention to Trump’s tax payments.
This led Mr. Wallace to inquire how much income tax Trump paid in 2016 and 2017, in light of the recent New York Times report alleging he paid only 750 dollars. Trump claimed, rather dubiously, “millions.” After Mr. Wallace pressed him further, Trump launched into a tirade against tax loopholes. While a more than valid complaint, this had the appearance of him trying to worm his way out of the question. A poor moment for President Trump.
Biden took the opportunity to swear he’d reverse the Republican tax cuts, saying, in a sort of backwards way, that the cuts (which reduced loopholes by slashing deductions) somehow had created the loopholes that the wealthy take advantage of.
Upon further questioning, Biden swore to raise taxes and Trump promised to keep them low.
On Race:
Race was a weak topic for both candidates, though Biden did show a surprising willingness to acknowledge that police brutality is the work of a few bad apples, contrary to what leftist rhetoric has been preaching. This acknowledgment was an olive branch to moderates, many of whom rightfully view the ACAB mentality as destructive and false. Biden’s points, however, were characterized by empty promises of unity and accountability with no real plan backing it up.
Trump was pressed on his cancellation of racial sensitivity training, and gave perhaps his weakest responses of the night; mostly generalities about how “absolutely insane” the program was. Bafflingly, he failed to give a strong condemnation of the far right group Proud Boys, which gave Biden’s accusation of “racist” the undeserved appearance of truth.
On Law and Order:
Trump was strong, pulling numbers about murder rates in Chicago and New York. He also cleverly accused Biden of seeking to destroy the suburbs.
In an exceptionally weak response, Biden tried to argue instead that climate change and the Coronavirus were destroying the suburbs. An interesting angle considering that the Coronavirus has reinvigorated the suburbs, remote working allowing droves of people to abandon the cities for the suburbs.
On Protests:
Mr. Wallace threw Biden a tough question about his lack of leadership when it came to protests, asking, “Have you ever called the Democratic Mayor of Portland or the Democratic Governor of Oregon and said, ‘Hey, you got to stop this, bring in the National Guard, do whatever it takes, but you’d stop the days and months of violence in Portland?’”
Biden used the excuse that he does not hold office, a thoroughly unsatisfactory answer. He then unconvincingly blamed Trump for prolonged periods of unrest in Portland saying Trump thinks “riots and chaos and violence help his cause,” a blatantly false and divisive claim.
On Climate:
Trump expressed a desire for a clean environment but stressed that it must be compatible with our current business structure. Trump blamed lax forest management as the primary reason for the raging wildfires of the West Coast
Biden reaffirmed that his plans will not destroy the economy, swearing to replace fossil fuel jobs with jobs in green energy. He failed to address the price tag, saying only that it will pay for itself as it moves forward. Trump attempted to pressure him here, but his attack came off as belligerence rather than highlighting Biden’s weakness.
Mr. Wallace elicited a dismissal of the Green New Deal from Biden, which may have hurt Trump with moderates, but could have also hurt Biden among progressives, as Trump pointed out.
On Election Legitimacy:
Biden encouraged voters to vote and assured voters that an attempt by Trump to contest the results would not change anything.
Trump attacked the transition into his presidency in 2016, specifically the conduct of the FBI, bringing up a subject that had received little attention. He also stoked fears about election fraud, which Biden contested.
Notably, Trump suggested his voters go and watch the polls, which is sure to elicit complaints of intimidation from the left. This segment may have hurt Trump with voters, though Biden was particularly weak as well.
Themes
Biden attempted to paint today’s struggles as a product of Trump’s America, almost portraying himself as the lesser of two evils. He was strongest on race, healthcare, and the Coronavirus, where his empathetic side burned bright. Weaknesses were numerous, but his answers on protests, the economy and court-packing were especially empty.
Trump drowned Biden out for much of the debate, perhaps attempting to shove him into a similar position as in the Democratic Primary Debates. His over-the-top aggressiveness, however, likely turned off voters who might otherwise have appreciated his stronger arguments. A good tactic that was visible throughout the debate was his repeated tying of Biden to the radical left. Trump was strong on the issues of the courts, the economy and law enforcement, but weak on healthcare and abysmal on race.
The debate likely didn’t improve anyone’s view of either the candidates, and certainly was not the crusher Conservatives had hoped for. Much of it felt like childish squabbling, a dismaying quality. Hopefully, the debate between Vice-President Pence and Senator Harris on October 7th will be easier for everyone to hear and understand.
As a note to all readers of The Cornell Review, Election Day is on November 3rd, 2020. If you have not yet registered to vote, please follow the instructions in this link to do so. Voting is one of many ways to participate in our democratic republic.