This entry is the third and final part of a three part essay outlining the contemporary structural challenges of US governance. For Part I, click here. For Part II, click here.
The rudderless state of the US Congress, with no clarifying initiative from an increasingly weakened chief executive is especially disturbing in light of recent global trends. The promises and perils of artificial intelligence. The alarming crisis of climate change. Increasingly empowered global terrorism networks. Wealth inequality. The frightening pace of drug addiction. Crippled infrastructure. Rising debt levels. A shrinking middle class. Gun violence. A broken immigration system. Plummeting public investment in basic research and development. The rise of potentially hostile international competitors such as China. Growing commitments to seemingly endless war in increasingly obscure places. The nuclear missile crisis on the Korean peninsula.
This perfect storm of challenges is by no means exhaustive. An empowered, energetic chief executive was once a symbol of hope, stability and perseverance for Americans in similar dark times of the past. FDR rallied and united the country in the fearful days of the great depression and the aftermath of Pearl Harbor. Ronald Reagan renewed confidence in the presidency after the Watergate fallout by tackling inflation and winning the Cold War. Such dramatic moments-from ideologically opposed administrations-brought forth a near-mystic quality of heroism, making the country think that with a results-driven executive, with a broad national mandate, America could truly rise to its reputation-what some called its God-given mission-as the exceptional nation. Now, that aura of gravitas is gone in what could perhaps become the most challenging era for America and the world.
Uneasy American observers like myself, looking on with worry, are not the only ones to witness the collapsing prestige and power of the presidency in light of disturbing national trends. Contemporary American competitor’s recognize this climate of distrust and division. More importantly, they act upon it. As Huntington noted, “American citizens challenge the authority of American government, why shouldn’t unfriendly governments?” Russia asked that same question in the 2016 election, effectively capitalizing on American internal divisions. China similarly understands the internal divisions within American society, manifesting themselves upon an emblematic institution of the American tradition. In early 2018, Chinese state media mocked American governance stating:
The latest government shutdown in the heart of Western democracy has once again exposed its chronic flaws…The Western democratic system is hailed by the developed world as near perfect and the most superior political system to run a country. However, what’s happening in the United States today will make more people worldwide reflect on the viability and legitimacy of such a chaotic political system.
America’s challengers currently see the serious instability within American society as a prime opportunity to subvert American national security interests. Such powers have to do very little to act upon this opportunity. Meer trolling on social media, along with the organization of a few pro and anti Trump rallies by Russia, has been compared to 9/11 in a hyper-sensational media environment, cynically playing upon instincts of fear, anger and disintegration in the public discourse.
Additionally, America’s unstable political climate stands in stark contrast to the governance structure of her rising competitors. China and Russia, authoritarian states, act with a decisiveness at home and abroad thanks in part to the minimal dissent and distrust regarding their power systems. The case of China is especially striking. Their government, out of national self-interest, has brought forth a proactive, fast-paced and long-term way of thinking in addressing a myriad of domestic and global challenges. Chinese investment in infrastructure, renewable energy and artificial intelligence should put the United States on notice in terms of losing a competitive edge in the coming decades. Furthermore, Chinese soft-power in foreign policy is also impressive. Projects such as One Belt One Road have increasingly tied China to its Asian neighbors through infrastructure projects, building something of an economic empire without firing a single shot. The success of China has made many seriously doubt that liberal democracy will inherit the earth.
To be clear, I am in no way suggesting that the United States emulate these authoritarian states. The rule of law, property rights and individual liberty should be sacrosanct in a society like ours. Our basic outlook on the relationship between the individual and the state have been formulated by centuries of western thought. I hope that they can remain integral to the fabric of America’s forward trajectory. Americans have also valued unity and purpose, which were once inseparable from the character of the chief executive.
At a pinnacle of American power, confidence and prosperity, John F Kennedy reflected those values with those famous words, “ask not what your country can do for you-ask what you can do for your country.” These words were a rallying cry for Americans to recognize their own potential, their duty and responsibility to thrust America into ambitious endeavours such as putting one of their countrymen on the moon by the end of the decade. How to reclaim this spirit is a subject for a different essay. However, the presidency remains-as evidenced by the intense passion of emotion surrounding the Trump administration-a lightning rod for Americans to channel their feelings on the direction of America. The presidency is still intertwined with America’s trajectory. However, that trajectory currently evokes feelings of anger, fear, high-stress and deep frustration. These feelings have transformed the nature of the chief executive. Upon that office we project our deepest insecurities. The mythos of America, in its greatest times of triumph, needs to be revived. Hopefully our past achievements in science, technology, economic prosperity and liberty can be a source of inspiration to make the presidency great again.
The author alludes to “A broken immigration system” as one of many problems. If laws are followed, there is nothing wrong with our immigration system. The problem lies not with our immigration laws, but the fact that so many seem compelled to ignore and break them … we have an INVASION problem. INVASION is the problem.
President Eisenhower, who had vast experience dealing with invasions, instituted “OPERATION WETBACK” in 1954. Led by Brigadier General Joseph “Jumpin’ Joe” Swing, the operation was successful in ridding the country of illegals by forcibly removing them by boat to the far southern Mexican border.
It’s high time for “OPERATION WETBACK II”. I call on President Trump to improve on the results that Eisenhower achieved in the mid 1950’s. He will have the approval of the vast majority of American people.